Maximilien Robespierre
The incorruptible lawyer who led the Committee of Public Safety and the Reign of Terror, then was guillotined without trial by the revolution he purified.

Maximilien Robespierre never wielded a blade himself, yet his name became shorthand for a government that killed by the tens of thousands. A slight, fastidious provincial lawyer who kept his hair powdered and his linen spotless long after Revolutionary fashion had turned to plain dress, he earned the nickname the Incorruptible because no bribe, faction, or mistress ever seemed to move him. He believed, with total sincerity, that a republic of pure virtue was within France's reach, and that anyone blocking the road to it deserved to die. That union of absolute conviction and nearly absolute power produced the Reign of Terror.
The rise of the Incorruptible
Born in Arras in 1758 and trained in law at the elite Paris college of Louis-le-Grand, Robespierre was an obscure lawyer when voters sent him to the Estates-General in 1789. He made his name not in government but at the Jacobin Club, the radical society whose affiliated chapters spread across France. There his relentless, moralizing speeches made him the voice of the Revolution's hard left. Early on he even argued for abolishing the death penalty. By July 1793, with the young Republic besieged, he joined the Committee of Public Safety, the small body handed emergency powers to save it.
Virtue enforced by terror
The France of 1793 was genuinely surrounded. Foreign armies pressed the borders, royalist and Catholic peasants rose in revolt in the Vendee, and food shortages fed riots in the cities. The Committee ruled by decree, and Robespierre supplied the justification. Virtue, he argued, was the soul of a republic, and in a revolution virtue without terror was powerless; terror was merely justice that was prompt, severe, and inflexible. The Law of 22 Prairial, passed in June 1794, stripped the accused of defense counsel and left juries only a choice between acquittal and death. Roughly 17,000 people were officially executed across France; tens of thousands more died in overcrowded prisons or in the mass shootings and drownings that put down the provincial revolts.
The Revolution devours its own
The Terror did not spend itself on aristocrats alone. It turned inward. The moderate Girondins went to the scaffold in October 1793, the ultra-radical Hebertists in March 1794, and then Georges Danton, once Robespierre's ally and a giant of the Revolution, that April. Each purge narrowed the circle of the safe and deepened the fear. By the summer of 1794 deputies who suspected they were next moved first. On 9 Thermidor, July 27, the Convention shouted Robespierre down and ordered his arrest; in the chaos that night his jaw was shattered by a pistol shot. The next day, denied any trial because he had been declared an outlaw, he was guillotined before a cheering crowd, along with about twenty of his followers. His death ended the Terror in the backlash known as the Thermidorian Reaction.
Why he still matters
Robespierre endures as the template for a recurring and dangerous figure: the incorruptible idealist so certain of a perfect future that he treats present slaughter as a moral duty. Lenin's Bolsheviks studied him with admiration; the Khmer Rouge acted out the same logic in Cambodia's killing fields. The lesson his career keeps teaching is not that the Revolution's grievances were false. It is that a politics promising to purge a nation of its enemies rarely runs short of enemies, and that the same blade Robespierre defended in the name of virtue was, within a year, waiting for him.